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I will be arrested on 23 July 2019

Mike Hampton Posted on by

I will be arrested 23 July - Mike Hampton vs Democratic AllianceI will be arrested on the 23rd of July 2019. That’s 2 days from now, the 70th day of my hunger strike. This is the letter I sent to IPID, NPA, Presidency and others this past Thursday.

Attention:

CC:

References:

NCOP Committee Petitions-

  • ‘Love Knysna Petition’

Presidency-

  • 9/28/22#1 (514478) vol. 4/2018 (ns)

Public Protector-

  • 7/2-000926/13WC-GRG
  • 7/2-002573/16WC-GRG
  • 7/2-002671/17WC-GRG
  • 7/2-0002694/17WC-GRG
  • 7/2-003944/18

SAPS Hawks-

  • Cape Town OC 19.07.2018

DPCI-

  • 26/32/2(229)

NPA/SAPS CID-

  • Durban Cas 354/6/18

 SAHRC-

  • KZ/1718/0521/BN

Date: 18 July 2019 (Mandela Day)

ARRANGING MY ARREST
HUNGER STRIKE DAY #65
REPORTING CORRUPTION
REQUESTING PROTECTION
COMPLAINT AGAINST YOUR FAILURE

1.

I’m responding to a warrant for my arrest and requesting IPID take me into custody on 23 July 2019, the 70th day of my hunger strike. We’ll arrange a time and place for me to be fetched in Durban, Kwazulu-Natal.

2.

I will be a political prisoner; imprisoned for my actions against political corruption, my arrest politically motivated by the Democratic Alliance (DA) as result of me exposing them.

3.

The crime and maladministration may mostly implicate the DA but has been protected by the ANC-led National Government and various parties.

4.

My hunger strike is against this crime and the Media bias supporting it. I’ve only had fruit juice (mostly carrot) and tea/coffee with soya milk, losing approximately 13kg. I had weight to lose so I’m stable with minor issues. But my weakened condition and assured deterioration in custody is my attempt to force speedy investigation.

5.

This is my final attempt to gain justice for myself, Knysna and the Western Cape. Considering the past 9 years of deliberate Government failure and the persecution of me, I’m uncomfortably aware that my death is more likely than dutiful response. Nevertheless, it’s all I have left in this fight. If there isn’t help, then South Africa’s future is only a lie created by the lips of politicians. Our country must be worth living in.

6.

Although the current situation is the result of the failure of the above addressed departments, I’ve chosen IPID as temporary lead because my immediate concern is being in the hands of bad cops, being transferred to the Western Cape where the DA and not the Public are served, and the possibly cumulative affect of being thrown into that broken prison system. I’d rather risk my life on my terms.

7.

IPID must retain custody in order to assess my evidence which also questions police conduct. It heavily outweighs Democratic Alliance (DA) politicians and cronies wanting me jailed for publishing ‘Same Shit, Different Government’, my book about their corruption. To be jailed for ‘defamation’ after their propaganda campaign falsely labelled me as a sociopath and paedophile is more than ironic. To be jailed, after I’ve reported their crimes of intimidation, fraud, graft and theft to you, is against the Public interest and in draconian service to corruption.

8.

I’ve open processes with Government and Chapter Nine Institutions: SAPS, Hawks, IPID, Public Protector, South African Human Rights Commission, COGTA, Justice, Parliament and the Presidency. Single assessment is required. IPID can only handle an aspect but they can verify my credibility to Minister Police Bheki Cele who in turn can communicate with the Presidency for cohesive way forward.

9.

My most import hunger strike demand is that President Ramaphosa meet me. Owing to his position and the number of agencies involved, he must be the one to accept responsibility and walk his anti-corruption talk.

10.

But the first step must be Minister Cele’s confirming that IPID will arrest me. If he refuses to do, I must expect that the corruption has won, the DA are more powerful than the Public realise, and that this is the end of me.

11.

I will not repeat the mountain of evidence already in your possession but provide a summary, beginning with your failed ‘processes’.

 YOUR FAILURE TO ACT

12.

I submitted to NCOP on 13 April 2015. It was allocated to their Committee Petitions & Executive Undertakings who labelled it as the ‘Love Knysna Petition’. There’s been 3 hearings. It hasn’t concluded after 4 years during which there has dysfunctionally been 4 chairpersons. 8 of 9 provinces voted for investigation which is incomplete. My complaint to then NCOP Chair, now National Assembly Chair, Thandi Modise was ignored. Dr Mimmy Gondwe, the Committee’s researcher into my complaint, recently got a job with the DA. Considering the evidence she was in possession of, it’s a questionable and disturbing move. Committee Secretary Nkanyiso Mkhize has been extremely unhelpful.

 13.

The Office of the Public Protector is in possession of 13 of my complaints. George Branch Manager Gideon, Western Cape Manager Sune Griessels, and their ex-colleague Bruce Wessels, deserve investigation. So does Ruthven Janse van Rensburg, the previous Western Cape Manager who got a job in Premier Helen Zille’s office. National senior staff Stoffel Fourie, Vussy Mahlangu and Oupa Segalwe have acted suspiciously too. It’s possible that they, being bosses, are the biggest crooks of all. My 68-page complaint to Public Protector Busisiwe Mkhwebane, sent 1 November 2018, has been ignored. Is she aware or are her staff sabotaging her to protect the DA? Mkhwebane was ordered to respond to NCOP regards the Love Knysna Petition. Landman has deliberately misinterpreted that into meaning that the decision by NCOP was for Landman to only investigate and, because he’s decided that no action will be taken, the NCOP process is over. He has also lied that I never responded to his reports and thus they will be closed. Mkwebane has ignored NCOP’s order that: “That the National Office of the Public Protector further investigate the reluctance on the part of its Provincial Office to investigate the complaints raised in the petition.” My complaint clearly shows that the report by the Public Protector is a whitewash e.g. Landman accepted the Knysna Municipality’s response at face failure, failed to interview those involved, and ignored evidence such as forensic reports, legal opinions and the Auditor General. This after his boss, Stoffel Fourie, was put in charge, and then refused to meaningfully communicate with me.

14.

Around the same month, the Public Protector whitewashed its report, the hawks did the same. Colonel Piet Bergh, chief analyst for the Western Cape, and colleagues, were responsible. They did so by simply not excluding most of the evidence. Small matters were referred to other departments who failed to investigate. On several occasions, over previous years, the Hawks in the George Cluster had refused to investigate without valid reasoning. Bergh failed to address that aspect of my affidavit, as well as the hectic intimidation I was experiencing. As with the Public Protector’s report, the DA were removed. Minister Bheki Cele and General Godfrey Lebeya failed to act on my complaint against Bergh although their staff confirmed receipt via phone and email read receipts.

15.

My complaint to the Policing Complaints Commission against the Knysna SAPS was acknowledged but my follow-ups ignored. The local police had previously threatened me. A Captain even posted on a DA-run Facebook page that I must pack my bags and leave town. DA candidate Julie Seton lied that I’d broken a court order against her, her affidavit obviously nonsense yet the officer never bothered to assess it, instead fingerprinting me in the jail section at the station. Seton blatantly broke the protection order I had against her, yet she was left alone. So was Mark Allan, her client and accomplice in the propaganda campaign against me.

16.

I was repeatedly taken to court, the ringleaders ex-Knysna DA Deputy Mayor Esme Edge and her life partner, ex-DA candidate Advocate Julie Seton. All acting against me are linked to the DA and them. All linked to corruption and/or maladministration. Whilst no one will investigate them, they flooded me with court cases. That’s called SLAPP (Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation). Unfortunately, South Africa doesn’t have anti-SLAPP laws. Essentially, they would use the PHA (Protection from Harassment Act) to gain protection orders that act as gag orders. The PHA isn’t supposed to be used by politicians and municipal staff to silence the Public. The court denied me the defence of truth in the Public interest even though the act stipulates it. The judgements excluded mention of the DA even though that was glaring in evidence. The Knysna Magistrates’ Court actively worked against me e.g. denying me witnesses and evidence, so much so that in one case I was found guilty in minutes, denied my defence. Chief Magistrate Isak van der Merwe wouldn’t act so I laid complaint to the Magistrates’ Commission who also did nothing, instead referring me uselessly back to Van der Merwe.

17.

My submissions and complaints to the Democratic Alliance (DA) are exhaustive so I will only mention here that Helen Zille, Alan Winde and Anton Bredell, all implicated in crime, threatened to sue me and hold me criminally liable. When I responded to Zille by listing some of the corruption I’d reported to her, suggesting a meeting instead of threats, Zille refused. Then DA Federal Executive member Alan McLoughlin stated in an email to me that: “Bredell did admit that you probably have a few points”.

18.

My complaints to the Knysna Municipality and Council since 2010 are also exhaustive, resulting in retaliation against me instead of help. As example, the local DA enlisted SALGA to try silence me. SALGA illegally appeared unannounced in Council to state that they’d support Local Government suing me, a citizen. I explained to SALGA Manage Xolile George that action would also be illegal. I supplied him evidence of the corruption he was supporting. He responded by twice sending me legal letters, SALGA threatening to sue me directly. SALGA’s Board never responded to my complaint and COGTA Deputy Minister Andries Nel refused to act without reason why.

19.

My complaints to the Western Cape Legislature, Provincial Government and City of Cape Town on various topics have been acknowledged but also not acted upon e.g. MEC Bredell committing perjury in the Legislature in order to protect himself and the tender corruption he’s involved in. Note that Bredell is also the Chairperson of the DA for the Western Cape. Legislature Chairperson Sharna Fernandez, recipient of the complaint and a DA member, chose not to act against her boss. Both were then placed high on the 2019 election list.

20.

Melisizwe Bleki, Director of the Presidency Hotline, promised to act and met an advocate. A meeting was also arranged by the President’s advisor whose name I forget at this time. Both never resulted in action with no reason given why. Bleki refused to help thereafter. I’ve also contacted the Presidency an enormous number of times, mostly dealing with the unhelpful Robert Ngobeni-Hlongwane. I finally sent a letter in 2018 stating that if assistance remained evasive, I’d write a book. I understood that I’d be punished for it, but believing the Public being warned was more important than me. I said that if the book never achieved a positive result, I’d go on a hunger strike. This wasn’t the route I wanted to take. By stating my intentions, I had hoped that President Ramaphosa and his staff would give me reason not to. All they had to do was dutifully stand against corruption instead of protecting the DA. All they had to do was what they are paid to do. But they didn’t.

NAMIBIA

21.

I’d been forced to leave Knysna in 2017, owing to threats and the Great Knysna Fire. For over a year and half, I lived in Durban. I rarely saw anyone besides my father. I focused on evidence and contacting Government. At the end of 2018, I began my book, ‘Same Shit, Different Government: Book 1 – The Corruption & The Intimidation’. I again appealed to the Presidency and, when that failed, borrowed money to complete the book in Swakopmund, Namibia.

22.

The goal of being in Namibia was to ensure my father was safe as I’d been living with him before I left. I also wanted to write without worrying my enemies would be at my door. I hoped that my book would spark positive reaction from Government. However, the 9-year track record of abysmal Government and the DA stalking me was more relevant than my intangible hope.

23.

I decided to go to Ireland with the request that they open a channel to President Ramaphosa. But I never had enough money so got stuck in Windhoek. Consequently, I requested the same of the Namibian Government, insisting that I never desired to be a refugee and that all I wanted was time for them to open a channel to my President. They basically told me that South Africa was their friend and thus they wouldn’t help.

24.

I sent a letter to South African High Commissioner William Archie Whitehead. He never responded to the email but it was obvious on the phone that he wasn’t going to help when he stated that he was “only a postman”. I did meet with his staff, Lorna Daniels and a colleague of hers. The Namibian Commissioner for refugees was kind enough to speak to Daniels too. I gave her evidence which she said would receive a response within 2 weeks from the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO). She also said that she’d meet me again, that weekend. She didn’t, lied about it, then admitted she was supposed to meet me but was moving home, and then cancelled meeting me altogether. DIRCO never responded. I was being blocked again.

25.

I borrowed money, choosing not to try another country but rather spend one month in Swakopmund, dedicated to getting response from my country. That failed.

26.

On 18 April 2019, Colonel Piet Bergh from the Hawks (DPCI) in Cape Town, sent me an email, asking me to meet the police in Durban regarding a fraud case I’d submitted there. That was suspicious in that it was out of his jurisdiction and the case had already been handed to the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA). He’s also the man I hold most responsible for the whitewashed analysis of my detailed complaint. He was aware of that via my emails to his bosses and my posts online. I believed that it was a set-up, and that I was likely to be arrested. What happened next confirmed my suspicion.

27.

On my birthday, 20 April 2019, the Sheriff, SAPS and a private investigator (5 in total) ‘visited’ my father in Durban. Through family overseas, I heard that my father had felt intimidated. It was clear that the officers were unclear. Maybe they meant to be. My father was unsure if they were serving me, arresting me, or both. But they wanted me and my laptop. Furthermore, my father was under the impression that the lead, Miles Mowat, was a detective. But when I googled him, he was listed as a private detective. Mowat stated that I’d upset the politicians, that people in the UK were tracing my laptop, and that a “hit” could be put on me. My father interpreted the latter as threat not advice.

28.

I’d contravened an interdict issued to ex-Knysna DA Deputy Mayor Esme Edge. It was a High Court case for which I’d been left stranded by my lawyers with no evidence submitted. Judge Babalwa Mantane issued generalised judgement, effectively not protecting just the political applicant but the DA. Although she never had a copy of the book or my website, she ordered that the book couldn’t be published and that my website must be closed. She also ordered my arrest, for me to appear before her and explain why I shouldn’t go to jail for 60 days. My experience with the courts, and the protection the DA is given, assured me I’d be going to jail for telling the truth. But for much longer as I’d contravened four more DA-connected orders. Those sentences would be further aggravated as I’d never comply with destroying evidence and information in the Public interest.

29.

I sent out over 1000 free digital copies of the book. Media, as per usual, wouldn’t report on DA corruption but soon gave a lot of attention to a book about Ace Magashule. I added a free link to the book for the Public who have since downloaded it 1200 times. The South African Government remained silent.

30.

The Presidency had previously allocated my complaint to then Minister COGTA Zweli Mkhize, on 18 November 2018. That was ironic in that Deputy Minister Andries Nel had previously refused to help. The Presidency failed to explain why only COGTA, with limited mandate, had been contacted. And COGTA remained useless by sending me 4 letters over several months, stating that my complaint would be addressed urgently. They never have, and the Presidency is content with that.

31.

But my sister is a UK resident which obviously matters more to the Presidency than South Africans. Her complaint was immediately referred to IPID and the Ministry Justice. I then contacted them too. IPID Head Investigations Mathews Sesoko assured me he’d act but didn’t, ignoring me thereafter. Betty Mankgela, Admin Secretary for Justice, stated “this needs the Presidency intervention first and then all others will get instruction from them. I forwarded your e-mail request back to Presidency Mr Robert Ngobeni-Hlongwane to re-look at the matter and advise us going forward.” That was the last I heard, on 17 May 2019.

32.

I’d begun my hunger strike in Swakopmund on 16 May 2019. I only announced it the following week as the Namibian Government has asked me to be a good guest.

33.

Fearing what would happen to me in the hands of bad cops and a biased justice system, and wanting my father as far from me as possible, I sent emails to Bheki Cele, Godrey Lebeya and Shamila Batohi. I requested that they arrest me and provide me protection when I landed in Johannesburg on 31 May 2019. The NPA weren’t interested in my corruption evidence. They only said that they wouldn’t assist without a threat assessment which they inappropriately allocated to Cape Town (the officer never contacted me). I got plenty read receipts from Cele’s staff but they never responded. Nevertheless, I hoped the SAPS would be there when I landed but they weren’t.

BACK IN SOUTH AFRICA

34.

As I’d announced my intentions online, I expect that the ‘cops’ who’d visited my father would be at the Durban airport but they weren’t.

35.

I spent one night at my father’s house, assuring him that was ok because I’d stated my return and request for arrest to Cele and others via email, Facebook and my website. I had, partly, done that to cover my Dad who doesn’t understand what I do, and instead chooses to live a simple life. But the next morning I decided that it’d be best if my hunger strike progressed and I reached cops who don’t know me. As I didn’t want him to lie for me, I deceived my father by unpacking, doing washing, and taking only a small bag with me when we went for coffee on the Durban beachfront. But I left him there, saying that I may return that evening or visit a friend. I did neither. I’ve stayed elsewhere, seen no one, and continued my hunger strike until I’m weak enough to hand myself to IPID. The weaker I get, the more serious I hope my last shot is taken. And hopefully it ensures that I’m tracked, safe from those who want me harmed. As there’s constant tummy pain now, I believe it’s the right time.

36.

But there have been updates in between, making it clear that the intimidation continues.

  • 36.1 Advocate Julie Seton, whom I remind is the married partner of ex-DA politician Esme Edge, contacted Jaco Dercksen, a fraudster I exposed years ago.
  • 36.2. Dercksen, a recent resident of Chatsworth, offered a reward for my capture, stating that it was on behalf of himself and Garden Route businesses (which is where the Plaintiff and Seton are from).
  • 36.3 Dercksen sent a propaganda email to Knysna businesses, falsely stating that I’d hacked his websites and that they needed to assist in my capture.
  • 36.4 Seton supplied him the Sheriff’s documents from which he extracted my father’s address and posted it on Facebook on 3 June 2019, falsely stating that was where I was hiding, and announcing that the police were on their way there. He said that if I cared about not stressing my father, I’d meet him at the police station. He was obviously maliciously playing on my publicly stated concern for my father who takes heart medication.
  • 36.5 The following day, the police were at my father’s house. My father was so intimidated that he refused to tell my sister in England what had happened lest she inform me, and I post it online. Relevant is that the Sheriff was most likely accompanying them, and that the Sheriff had informed the Plaintiff and Seton that the police would be there, and they in turn told Dercksen.
  • 36.6 Five days later, on 11 June 2019, Advocate Seton sent me an email threatening to lay criminal charges against my innocent father.
  • 36.7 I remind that I have a protection order against Seton. Emphasising irony, Dercksen is allegedly due to appear in Court for contravention of a protection order granted to his ex-wife and their son.
  • 36.8 The Sheriff’s conduct has been questionable, so I’ve made an information request to the Sheriff’s department. Head Legal Reesha Kasipershad and Complaints Investigations Officer Amish Gopie were quick to acknowledge me but now I worry that they will delay.
  • 36.9 Seton and Edge have initiated a lawsuit against a Facebook subscriber of mine. They’re ridiculously claiming R1-million rand for her complimenting me and sharing my book. Many of my subscribers have been threatened.
  • 36.10 The DA promoted ex-Knysna Mayor Eleonore Spies to the National Assembly despite me having exposed the internal De Swardt Vogel & Myambo report that found her involved in crime, and had recommended that she be criminally charged and disciplined. One of the charges was that she had illegally used Public funds to pay personal legal fees against me. The DA never disciplined her, and the Hawks failed to act on the complaint. She is one of those whose protection orders I’ve broken. I’d previously and anonymously received an incomplete copy of the De Swardt Report which I’d given to the Hawks. I now have the complete document which is damning towards several of my enemies.
  • 36.10.1 De Swardt Vogel & Myambo report (dropbox)
  • 36.11 Budget Manager Avitha Sunkhar has returned to the Knysna Municipality after being suspended. I’d stood up for her and reported the matter to the Public Protector because I believed her suspension politically motivated, and that the amount she was being paid to stay at home was madness for political convenience. After a year away, there has apparently been a settlement in her favour. I expect that DA politics, under Spies, must have cost the Public approximately R2-million here.

37.

On 20 June 2019, 2 months after my complaint that it was hinted that there could be a hit on me, I received an email from Major General L. Magson, Divisional Commissioner at head Office. With reference 26/32/2(229), he stated that the matter had been referred to the Western Cape Commissioner. The latter has never contacted me.

 REFUSAL TO ASSIST IS DEEPEER

38.

As Government agencies refuse to investigate the DA, so NGOs and Chapter 9 institutions refuse to help me. It is a major problem that I’m constantly being persecuted yet no one will represent me, and that I’m sometimes denied in suspicious manner. The DA appears protected.

39.

Legal Aid Head Office must investigate why their KZN Provincial Manager Andre Britz and Durban Manager Gerhard Volschenk denied me assistance when I was obviously a candidate, possibly one of the best individual candidates they’ve had. Britz even attacked me in emails. Again, I receive ‘special treatment’. The case, from beginning, must be reviewed by head office.

40.

Similarly, the South African Human Rights Commission CEO must investigate why their Durban branch refused to allow me to record our meeting, denied me help on false grounds, and then (without explanation), switched minds to refer me to Cape Town which ignored me [KZ/1718/0521/BN]. Head Office also ignored my complaint.

41.

I add this because once I’m in your hands I’m likely at your mercy.

CONCLUSION

41.

More to be found in the main folder: www.dropbox.com/sh/5ycsk8ntr5c0r0r/AADfgW5SjVXQmGEOKxol-CCwa?dl=0

42.

I haven’t filed all the evidence. There’s much work needing doing. Importantly, I haven’t completed a forensic report which would provide timeline with links to evidence. If the police are serious about investigating, they’ll need my help. I’ve already saved them millions and can radically cut down the man hours it would take them to finish what I’ve started.

  • 42.1 Example of the timeline (note that the links to evidence won’t work as the document must be in the same folder with the evidence).

43.

Note that I’m the complainant and only witness in the Durban based fraud case against Dharshe Harase – SAPS CID Cas 354/6/18. It’s currently with the NPA. That’s another reason to keep me in Durban for now.

44.

With me will be a 32gig usb stick with evidence to work on. I will also have my HP Pavilion I7 7500U @ 2.70GHz 8gRAM laptop. Note that it will not contain access to my websites and online evidence i.e. in case you decide that persecuting me is more important than the corruption. Although I’ve taken every precaution I can, I will not share access codes. How you handle me and my laptop will assist me in deciding your intentions.

45.

I highlight that I want to be arrested to better my chances at being in the hands of good law enforcement rather than corrupt law enforcement, and thus, have my evidence assessed. As the amount involved is overwhelming, I suggest you first read my affidavit to the Hawks (corruption), and then Part 2 in my book (intimidation).

46.

Note that I’m asthmatic and prone to infection so will be susceptible to TB which is rife in prison. Regards my hunger strike, get the medical and psychological assessment out of the way. I still have weight to lose from my torso but my arms have become disproportionately thin. I have a regular mild pain across my whole belly, like a bruise and manageable, but have for the past week have regularly had a sharp pain beneath my rib cage on the right-hand side. My gums bleed. I’d feel safer from the DA in solitary though I hope you wisely use my time to build your case. Give me an ankle bracelet and put me to work. At some stage in the next month, I will be in a hospital bed.

47.

Time isn’t on my side. If President Cyril Ramaphosa, Minister Bheki Cele and NPA Director Shamila Batohi fail to accede to my demand for a meeting, I will die – https://wp.me/P9Of25-1vN. Please verify my credibility quickly.

In the hope you hate corruption as much as me,

Mike Hampton

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