Who will become the Federal Council Chair of the Democratic Alliance (DA)? Is there battle for control of the party and its ideology or is it a carefully planned orchestration meant to fool the Public?
Is ex-DA Leader’s Helen Zille’s hat in the ring a halo or disguise? Many of my previous posts would argue that the devil cannot don a ring of light unless it’s for a dress-up party.
Politics is a fickle beast of secrecy and back-stabs. It may take a long time for the truth to surface… or maybe it’ll drown as it so often does. Momentary lapses of the Public into sanity always returns to long-term apathy and inaction punctuated by useless social media anger, bigotry and self-righteousness.
No one would have died in any war if the weapons had been words instead of bombs, but they would have been assured to dislike each other rather than those who started the war.
The Politicians know that the Public can be counted on to let important matters die.
DA FEDERAL COUNCIL CHAIR CONTENDERS
DA Federal Council Chairperson James Selfe has announced his ‘resignation’.
The battle to fill his seat is between Helen Zille, Athol Trollip, Mike Waters and Thomas Walters. Trollip was the Media’s front runner until yesterday when Zille announced her intentions, causing an online firestorm (which shed light of different kind).
CONFUSING LEADERSHIP POSITIONS
Confusing is that the Federal Council Chair is different to the Federal Chair, the latter currently held by Athol Trollip. And the Council is most often referred to as the Federal Executive (FedEx).
Theoretically, the Leader of the Party is the highest authority. That’s currently Mmusi Maimane. Thereafter it’s the Federal Chair, not the Federal Council Chair. That makes Trollip No. 2. However, power isn’t necessarily relevant to position. After all, Trollip now wants his junior’s chair.
Selfe is considered as the hidden leader of the DA. Mmusi Maimane has been a toothless extension or, as I named him early on, the DA’s pawn star, and definitely not a prophet. If there’s grand plan for power, I’m confident he wasn’t invited to be part of it.
Maybe the current attack against him, aimed at removing him as ‘Leader’, will motivate him to wear a different face. He’ll still be the same inadequate man at heart but greed, especially in survival mode, carries different expression. Emphasis on “survival” because that’s the nature of politics.
Yet real power knows what Maimane is. It would strategically make sense for it to persuade him of impending loss so that he takes a deal. That would include him delivering words as “hollow as the ‘o’ in God” from his new party-loyal pulpit. It would also allow him to stay true to his nature which is to obey and receive.
But ego can be an enraged beast and there are many who hope that the riches he’s already made will be sufficient for him to say, “Fuck blue.”
Even if he remains leader, he won’t be in charge, simply rewarded for being willingly abused. Most would be hypocrites to criticise him cause they’d likely do the same for R2-million in salary and benefits each year.
But maybe the circus to become Chair of the DA Fedex requires another to receive the position of Leader as payment? No substantiation on my part, just a nagging thought in a world where all murkiness has proven possible.
To understand the DA and its players, it may help to look into its diabolical history. Any modern day flag-waving of Helen Suzman would be deviously indecent.
The history of the Democratic Alliance (DA) shows few new ideas, rather the convenient remaking of its image so as to hold onto, or gain, more power.
The South African Party (SAP) won the first election after the establishment of the Union of South Africa in 1910. Considered pro-British, the backlash created Afrikaner nationalist opposition, in the form of the National Party (NP).
In turn, the NP’s radical conservatism resulted in opposition to it, via the formation of the Liberal Party in 1953. In 1959, its ideological replacement became the Progressive Party (PP) which would eventually become the Democratic Alliance (DA) we know today. But there’d be more twists and turns before it’s modern blueishness.
The PP merged with the Reform Party in 1975, rebranding as the South African Progressive reform Party (PRP). Only two years later, after many United Party members joined, it changed its name to the Progressive Federal Party (PFP). This English party became the official opposition in 1977.
Ten years later, the PRP was in trouble. The Conservative Party had taken over as main opposition. Consequent division in the PRP created splinter parties, the Independent Party and National Democratic Movement.
However, these three liberal groups would become the Democratic Party in 1989. Willem, the brother of National Party President FW de Klerk, was co-founder.
Nelson Mandela and other prominent African National Congress (ANC) leaders were released the following year. In 1994, Apartheid, was abolished, but only as a label. The ANC took over running the country with its own brand of separateness and inequality.
THE DA’S DEAL WITH APARTHEID & THE RIGHT-WING
The National Party tried to survive as the New National Party (NNP). Changing a name could never make it new or eradicate its association with decades of brutal oppression. Consequently, its results in the 1999 election were disastrous. But it retained a lot of power in the Western Cape through coalition with the DP. This partnership was called the Democratic Alliance. Note the distinction – the DP and DA co-existed, the former as a party, the latter as an alliance with other parties.
But the NNP factionalised. The party, in name rather than substance, pulled away from the DP, leaving behind most of its members. Consequently DP and ex-NP politicians voters won 20 Western Cape Municipalities, including Cape Town, in 2003.
The DP officially became the DA the same year. This was successful electorally, and for Apartheid associated individuals e.g.
- Dan Plato, who joined the NP in 1990, is currently the DA’s Mayor of Cape Town.
- Anton Bredell, Commander of Oudthoorn for the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), became the DP Mayor for Swartland. In 2009, Premier Helen Zille promoted him to Provincial Minister of Local Governmen. He maintains that position today. He doubles as the DA’s Western Cape Chair.
- SANDF Lieutenant Colonel James Selfe’s parents worked for the Foreign Service. He was PFP, responsible for rebranding it into the DP for which he became the Executive Director at the age of 36. He was one of only three DP members elected to Parliament in 1994.
The DA is opportunistic. In 2010, its lust for power eyed the left-wing too. Cape Town would never have been retained (with Helen Zille as Mayor), if Zille hadn’t made a deal with Patricia de Lille.
De Lille was an ex-Member of Parliament for the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), a vehemently racist and radical splinter group of the ANC. She left them to form her own party, the ironically entitled Independent Democrats (ID). Through marketing, “democracy” has lost its meaning.
The new alliance of convenience found the ID voting with the DA. Four of its members become mayors in the Western Cape; three smaller towns seemingly traded, undemocratically, for the prize of Cape Town which, in turn, became an advertising vehicle to gain the DA national votes.
The ID would eventually merge with the DA but De Lille would be forced to leave after the DA tarred her as they would Maimane.
THE POLITICIANS IN THE DA FEDEX GAME
- Joined PFP 1979 (40 years)
- In charge of the PFP, DP and DA since 1992
- PFP Executive Director
- DP Federal Council Chair
- DA Federal Council Chair
Thomas Charles Ravenscroft Walters:
- Joined DP ?
- DP Youth President
- DA Federal Youth Chairperson of the DA
- DA Deputy Federal Council Chairperson (current)
- Parliament Committee attendance 2019 – 67%
- Parliament Committee attendance 2018 – 38%
- Joined DP 1989
- DP Youth President
- DA Deputy Chief Whip National Assembly
- DA Deputy Federal Council Chairperson (current)
- Parliament Committee attendance 2019 – 33%
- Parliament Committee attendance 2018 – 79%
Roland Athol Price Trollip:
- Joined PFP 1980
- DA Eastern Cape Leader
- DA Parliamentary Leader
- Mayor Nelson Mandela Bay
- DA Federal Chairperson (current)
Otta Helene Maree Zille:
- Joined PP ?
- PP Youth Member
- DA Deputy Federal Chairperson
- Mayor Cape Town
- DA Leader
- Premier Western Cape
- Bloubergstrand constituency representative (current)
GAME OF CHAIRS
Faction politics was obviously at play when Mmusi Maimane came under attack the past two weeks. ‘Obvious’ because the DA isn’t remotely interested in cleaning itself so as to be better representatives for the Public. They’re the cover-up party, and those who are loyal to it’s leadership get promoted or, at least, keep receiving a big salary. Every DA member of Parliament, and many lower down the ranks in the Western Cape, are against the Public and 100% for themselves. That’s only exaggeration if I’m unaware of a name. The fact is that I’ve contacted over 100 of them with detailed evidence of DA corruption. Their response has either been to ignore, discredit or destroy me. I’m well familiar with the real DA.
The plot against Maimane is more insidious than recent events. And it’s bigger than him. It’s a battle through ideology. What’s uncertain is whether that ideology is a tool for a faction to gain control of the party, or if it’s the result of pressure on a cash-strapped DA from liberal funders… or both.
From a purely financial perspective, Zille was previously the darling of funders. During her rule, Glynnis Breytenbach was well favoured by billionaire Nathan Kirsh before being given a high ranking position in the DA.
“Liberalism” is better than “fascism” or “communism” but, in the South African context, where those on welfare outnumber the employed, it’s also a dirty word. And a stumbling block for the DA which seeks more power, a mathematical impossibility if it had remained loyal to its mostly white core which makes up only 8% of the South African demographic.
Thus entered a confusing political period of racial identity uncertainty which, for the sake of truth and the Public, was serendipitously followed by political scandals in Knysna and the water crisis in Cape Town.
The DA claimed to be liberal yet began practicing apartheid of its own. It promoted black people for being black rather than on merit. Maimane was the spectacular example, jettisoned into every South African home by unquestioning, biased Media.
Instead of sticking to the solid argument of the black ANC Government having failed South Africa, and thus mostly black people, the DA chose to support broad based black economic empowerment which effectively marginalises whites whilst making black capitalists rich.
When that political reorientation failed to reap benefits, and their election chances of improvement dimmed, the minority liberal wing, which had previously and unequivocally supported the DA, began to question it. The Institute for Race Relations (IRR), Rational Standard, Daily Maverick, Renegade Report and others weren’t against the DA, but seemingly for a faction within it.
In August 2018, the struggle within the DA, between the liberals and socialists, had been exposed by journalist Adrian Basson with his article, ‘It’s war in the DA between Laptop Boys and Bruma Boys’. He came under attack from the DA which immediately added gravity to his reporting.
The IRR’s Gwen Ngwenya, possibly the most well known black liberal in the country, joined the DA as Head of Policy but spectacular quit in February 2019. Had she briefly tried to change the party from within? Or had she been part of a plan to discredit the DA as a liberal party? No matter the answer, the resulting fact is that she damaged it. It prompted me to publish a parody, which pissed some people off who never realised that my fiction had truth at its heart.
Maimane got bludgeoned by the DA at the end of September and into this month of October 2019.
The strategy was to associate Maimane with the big evil of dirty money. In doing so, the hidden protagonists would, most of all, discredit a black leader to its black supporters who’re more likely to be social democrats than unfettered capitalists.
Maimane’s first ‘crime’ was his rental of a house from his white friend, Wessel Jacobs, a wealthy businessman whose also a trustee for Maimane. Although there’s strangely no lease agreement and Maimane’s R18,400 rental is a bargain for a R3.85-million property, it isn’t a crime unless Jacobs received benefit in return. If not, and there’s no evidence to say otherwise, then friendship makes it self-explanatory. And without evidence, it’s a mole hill and not the mountain it was in the Media.
Maimane’s second ‘crime’ was driving a Toyota Fortuner supplied by Markus Jooste, the disgraced criminal boss of Steinhof, South Africa’s version of Enron and the country’s biggest corporate fraud. The national pension fund for Government employees was one of their victims.
According to the investigation by DA Financial Chairperson Dion George, the car was received before the scandal, and returned thereafter.
Maimane, the individual, is in the clear. As a member of the DA he isn’t.
The ‘donation’ of the vehicle was to the DA, not Maimane. It was accompanied by an undisclosed cash donation. The DA has failed to answer questions, the most important being if the money was returned. In all likelihood, they didn’t give it back. If they had, they would’ve announced it so as to win guaranteed Public approval. The money was obviously needed more than the positive marketing they would’ve received.
The only explanation why old news to the DA was suddenly leaked as new news to South Africa, and that Maimane rather than the DA was responsible, is if Maimane is the victim of an internal power-play.
It was entirely too coincidental that the IRR then racially tweeted support for white Western Cape Premier Alan Winde to replace black Maimane. Notably, Winde and the aforementioned Bredell were Zille’s cohorts when she was Premier of the Western Cape. Together, they protected their faction and themselves from prosecution for corruption.
That the IRR tweet was followed by Helen Zille announcing that she’s running for DA Federal Council Chairperson made coincidence impossible. The IRR then announces that Zille has suspended her role with them only for them to advertise her bid to stop NH1. It’s blatant political campaigning by a liberal NGO that claims impartiality. Will the IRR open its books to practice its belief in political donation transparency? It would be comforting to know that its funders aren’t common to the DA, Rational Standard, Daily Maverick etc.
It would seem, along with many controversial comments by Zille this past year, that the liberal faction has orchestrated events in order to take control of the DA. And those competing for the position of FedEx Chair may be in cahoots with one another rather than in opposition. Mike Waters, who questioned Maimane regards the car and house, is one of the liberal Laptop Boys mentioned in Basson’s article.
Four white faces in contention (or agreement) for arguably the most powerful position in the DA. Hence my header image states: “The DA FedEx Battle – No Longer Pretending Black Matters’. The socialists may have already lost.
EQUALITY ISN’T SUPPOSED TO BE POLITICAL CONVENIENCE
I’m for equality, not unfairly forced but encouraged. If the DA’s racial position had been true, then they’d have produced strong black and coloured leaders by now. Instead, they’ve catapulted them only to eliminate their authority. Well paid puppets such as Maimane and Refiloe Ntsekhe play their part in demeaning the South African hope for a non-racial future.
The hypocrisy of Zille and weakness of Maimane have plentiful company in communist pretenders the ANC, religious pretenders the ACDP, and Afrikanerdom’s representatives the Freedom Front Plus? They may wag their fingers and squat the microphone but none have addressed the corruption of the DA leadership. It would seem that no matter professed ideologies, every party is a possible NNP or ID. They’re all sellouts in waiting.
But the current friction must be appreciated. It’s rare chance to glimpse truth.
THE POWER OF SELFE
Zille was supposed to be sidelined but she’s fighting back. Like De Lille, she’s not the sort to let go.
The power of James Selfe cannot be casually regarded. After 40 years with the party in its various forms, and most of the time as the person in charge, he isn’t leaving. He’s stepping into a position created just for him. As Maimane explained, “Selfe will now be heading up our Governance Unit, tasked with supporting DA governments to ensure that they deliver better to citizens.”
CHOKING LAST LAUGH
Extract from the DA’s press release:
“The election for the position will take place towards the end of October at Federal Council.
I am pleased to announce the following experienced individuals who have availed themselves for this position:
The DA trusts that this will be a constructive period of campaigning and contestation of ideas between the candidates in line with our values of Freedom, Fairness, Opportunity and Diversity.”
It will be interesting to see which faction wins. It’s possible that this battle creates irreparable division so that the party, as a whole, becomes the ultimate loser. It’s been slow but the Public is becoming wiser to the real DA.
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